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In the light of Stephen Howe's 1998 book
By Wim van Binsbergen [The text below is a contribution by Wim van Binsbergen
to a debate on Afrocentrism, published in Politique Africaine, Nov. 2000.] Stephen
Howe’s book [1] is in the first place a contribution to intellectual history,
and as such it is an excellent piece of scholarship.
Its breadth of argument and the depth of reading supporting it are mostimpressive. Afrocentrism is one of the first books to map out in detail, from its remoter origins to its contemporary ramifications and high-profile manifestations, one of the most significant
intellectual and political movements of the world today.Unmistakably the author intends his book to constitute Afrocentrism’s
definitive denunciation. His motivation is alarm over what he (with many others, foremost Mary Lefkowitz) [2] sees as the sell-out of intellectual and moral values for the sake
of Black, mainly African American, consciousness-raising. One cannot help agreeing with Howe’s (and Lefkowitz’s) identification of the deficiencies
endemic to that genre: the poor scholarship; the amateurish, autodidactic approach to grand historical and comparative themes
without systematic use of obvious sources and obvious methods; the Afrocentrist authors’ manifest and deliberate isolation
from current debates and current advances in the fields of scholarship they touch on; and the occasional lapses into Black
racism. On all these points Howe has very sensible things to say. However, where Howe and I fundamentally disagree is with
regard to the extent of dismission that Afrocentrism calls for. For Howe, Afrocentrism is largely what in our Marxist days
we used to call false consciousness: a view of reality which is systematically distorted and which
can be explained from the historical trajectory
traversed, in recent centuries, by the collectivity holding theseviews. Where Howe finds Afrocentrism by and large intolerable
it is because, in the context of the politics of identity on which the postmodern world revolves, it is no longer politically
correct, yea it is more and more even politically impossible, to publicly ignore or dismiss the Afrocentrist claims; hence
their increasing influence in the U.S.A. educational system. For Howe (p. 6), as for me, the central issue here is explicitly
the truth value of Afrocentrism. Howe
asserts himself as one primarily interested in the politics of history writing, but he fails to elaborate on the formidable
philosophical question of what constitutes truth in historical analysis. If yet he insists on calling the Afrocentric
version of history, mythical, he sadly misses the opportunity of exploring the possibly mythical dimensions of mainstream historiography.For Howe
the truth value of Afrocentrism is zero, in other words Afrocentrism is entirely mythical. For me, [3] very much to the
contrary, Afrocentrism (despite its endemic defects) does contain a kernel of truth, in the form of testable hypotheses about the possible contributions which Africans may have made
towards the world-wide development of human culture. Such a position has important political and critical implications. For
if there is even the remotest possibility that some of the Afrocentrist tenets (however unscholarly in their present elaboration
and substantiation) might yet be confirmed when restated in a scholarly manner and investigated with state-of-the-art scientific
methods, then the wholesale dismissal of Afrocentrism cannot simply be the positive, enlightened gesture Howe (or Lefkowitz)
claim it to be. Such dismissal risks to be a confirmation of the status quo, a continuation of the processes of exclusion
to which Black people, inside and outside Africa, have been subjected for centuries. Here there is a political role to be
played by the odd person out: the scholar and polemicist who for lack of Black or African antecedents cannot be suspected
of being on a mere conscious-raising trip, and who yet, for respectable scholarly reasons, defends views similar to or identical
with those of the Afrocentrists. Martin Bernal’s has been such a case, inevitably denounced by Howe. Historiographic usage offers a number of
ready answers to the fundamental question: Bywhat method and with what validity and reliability
do we construct images of the past? For
Howe, and for many historians like him who
situate themselves in the empiricist tradition while being suspicious of an over-reliance on systematic theory, a central
methodological approach is that of ‘common sense’, an appeal to the self-validating effect of simple everyday
logic and common (i.e. North Atlantic, Western) everyday concepts. Inevitably (since everyday common perspectives are by definition
intersubjective, shared with others and recognised to be so shared) a common sense appeal would favour the paradigms as taken
for granted in a given discipline at a given moment of time. It has been Bernal’s merit[4]
to make us aware of the immense historical
and political significance of one such historiographic
paradigm, whose demolition has been the purpose of his BlackAthena project: (a) ‘Greek classical culture was essentially
independent from any inputs from the Ancient Near East (Anatolia, Phoenicia, Egypt, Palestine, Syria, Mesopotamia)’. In connection with Afrocentrism, three other such historical paradigms have been dominant throughout the second
half of the twentieth century: (b) ‘Ancient Egypt, although situated on the edge of the African continent,
was essentially a non-African civilisation whose major achievements in the fields of religion, social, political and military
organisation, architecture and other crafts, the sciences etc., were largely original and whose historical cultural indebtedness
lay, if anything, with West Asia rather than with sub-Saharan Africa’ (c) ‘Ancient Egypt did not have a profound, lasting, and therefore traceable impact on the African continent, particularly not on sub-Saharan Africa’ (d) ‘Contemporary Africa is a patchwork quilt of numerous
distinct local cultures, each supported by a distinct language and each giving rise to a distinct ethnic identity, in the
light of which broad perspectives on continental cultural continuity going back to the remoter past much be relegated to the
realm of ideology and illusion’ Phrased in this way, these paradigms, although largely taken for
granted by the scholars working in their context, are in principle testable hypotheses. Although they are not intrinsically
ideological, unmistakably they well attuned to a hegemonic North Atlantic perspective on the world. They postulate a world
which is neatly compartmentalized; incomparably more so than would be suggested not only by the globalising experience
of our own time, but also by the demonstrable spread of agricultural techniques, weaponry, musical instruments, languages,
belief systems including world religions, formal systems such as board games, divination methods, myths and symbolism, across
the African continent and in considerable (though painfully understudied) continuity with the rest of the Old World, and even
the New World. Under such compartmentalisation, a whole mythical geopolitics comes into being: the mystery and mystique of
Europe — more recently: of the North Atlantic in general — can be maintained as a solid ideological power base
for colonialism and postcolonial hegemony; Egypt, Africa, African cultures, remain the ultimate other, to the North Atlantic,
but also to one another; a conceptual and geopolitical ‘divide and rule’ keeps them in their subordinate place
vis-à-vis the North Atlantic; and the basic flow of achievement is defined as going from north to south, while the
hegemonically undesirable idea of counter-flows in a northerly direction is ruled out. These may be testable hypothesis, but
they are very close to geopolitical myths. If our four paradigms (a) through (d) can be demonstrated to
have considerable hegemonic ideological potential (not to say that they are downright Eurocentric and racist), their inverses
are likely to have a similar but opposite ideological charge. These inverses would stress historical cultural continuity: (a inverse) between Greece and the ancient Near East including Ancient Egypt; (b inverse)
between prehistoric cultures situated on the Africa continent south of the Tropic of Cancer (23°27’ North), and
Ancient Egypt; (c inverse) between Ancient Egypt and latter-day African cultures; (d
inverse) between latter-day African cultures even regardless of the influence of Ancient Egypt. It is my contention
that the paradigms (ainverse) through (dinverse) contain a healthy and serious
critique of hegemonic misconceptions, and
therefore in themselves are to a considerable extent, demonstrablytrue. It now so happens that these inverse paradigms are among the central tenets of Afrocentrism,
which therefore can no
longer be relegated to mere false consciousness and Black consciousness-raising, butdeserve to be admitted to the central
halls of scholarship. To dismiss these
inverse views as ‘myths’, as Howe
does in the subtitle of his book and throughout, is not only doing them injustice, but also means myopia: the potentially
mythical nature of the dominant paradigms is insufficiently brought to the fore.This myopia of Howe’s book is not readily
recognised since the execution of its design is largely impeccable. Not being an Africanist himself, he can only be praised
for the meticulous way in which he has digested the vast relevant bibliography, offering a middle-of-the-road synthesis in
line with the dominant paradigms (a) through (d). He finds little, in the enormous literature he has plodded through, to falsify
the dominant common-sense paradigms (a) through (d); but did he search closely enough? To Howe, ‘the actual evidence
of ideas about kingship paralleling Egypt’s either in Sub-Saharan Africa or in the Aegean is extremely thin’ (p.
130). On the basis of what kind of authority is such a statement made? My own recent discovery of very extensive Egyptian
parallels in the material on Zambian kingship [5] came only after studying Nkoya kingship and myths for twenty years,
from the iinside, and after far more
extensive exposure to Ancient Near Eastern studies than anthropologists and Africanists normally get; this suggests some of
the methodological and paradigmatic problems involved. Contrary to what Howe claims, the evidence on parallels between Ancient Egypt and sub-Saharan Africa
is massive, though uneven.[6] Howe has simply not spend enough time in the various disciplines his argument touched up, nor looked
closely enough once he was there. He misses the feel of the disciplines involved, their internal counter-currents, and some
of their most recent developments. For instance, the African origin of mankind is dismissively glossed over in chapter III,
but hardly a word here on recent discoveries which have added, to the now generally accepted view that humanisation took place
in Africa some three million years ago, the rapidly increasing probability that also the Human Revolution of scarcely fifty
thousand years ago, producing modern humans capable of language, art, symbolism, social organisation etc., may well have taken
place (in part or entirely) in Africa, from which now hail our oldest finds of animal representations, paint, and sophisticated
weaponry like barbed harpoons.[7] Such a probable
African background of modern humans (who, in the face of ultraviolet exposure, may well have been black-skinned) provides
Afrocentrism with a prima
facie case too good to be ignored or
dismissed of hand. Howe’s good intentions have not prevented him from endorsing
a view of world history which is potentially hegemonic, Eurocentric, and mythical, and which therefore is not preferable to
the Afrocentrist alternative he fights. I will overlook Howe’s occasional lapses into polemical overkill.
More relevant is that scholarly reputations are readily sacrificed on the altar of Howe’s indignation vis-à-vis
Afrocentrism, and the more readily, the less Howe knows of their specialist field: Clyde Ahmad Winters, Herodotus, Henry Frankfort,
Frobenius, Sergi. These ancient and modern scholars have one thing in common which makes them unwelcome in the common-sense,
main-steam paradigmatic world to whose authority Howe appeals. They all had the ability to think across established cultural
and geopolitical boundaries, whether this meant explaining the origin of the Persian wars in a complex context encompassing
the entire Ancient World, or lumping Egypt and Mesopotamia in one grand argument, or stressing the essential continuity between
West Africa, North Africa, Europe, and Asia, when it comes to somatic traits, kinship patterns, languages, and symbolism.
Not surprisingly, Howe’s villains appear as intellectual heroes in one of my own books in progress. The
case of Frobenius is particularly instructive. The leading Africanist of his generation (early twentieth century), he became
the major single inpiration of Afrocentrism. In addition to other allegations (some of which may be only too true but none
of which should be treated anachronistically), Howe reproaches Frobenius (p. 116) for stressing outside influences on African
cultures. Such alleged emphasis on Frobenius’s part (which amounts to a distortion of his work anyway) certainly does
not fit in the Afrocentrist orientation, yet is the inescapable implication of global cultural exchanges percolating since
at least the Upper Paleolithic. In fact, we encounter here a fifth main-stream paradigm: (e) ‘There
have been no substantial non-African influences on African cultures’. This paradigm happens to be shared by late
twentieth century Africanists, and Afrocentrists alike. In my opinion, the hegemonic background of the contention enshrined
in this paradigm lies in a combination of two ideological stances. In the first place the North Atlantic tendency to an absolute
othering of things African, which does not tolerate them to be polluted by transcontinental connections and thus to be recognised,
after all, as part of the wider world. In the second place I see here an attempt at compensation for a guilty feeling about
the violation of African dignity in the context of the transactlantic slave-trade and colonialism. Yet Africa has unmistakably
been part of the global world of mankind since its African origin, both giving to the wider world, and taking from it; transcontinental
exchanges in human culture have been the hallmark of human history, inside and outside Africa. Let us be grateful to Howe
for giving us a serious scholarly study of the background and contents of Afrocentrism as a case of intellectual history.
His devastating political and ideological critique of Afrocentrism has been inspired by the best of intentions, by concern
not only for the future of scholarship and education but also by abhorrence at the thought of Black intellectuals retreating
into an intellectual ghetto. Contrary to Bernal, who tends to be right for the wrong reasons, Howe can be said to be wrong
for the right reasons. His book does not put paid to Afrocentrism; and I am pleased to report that, as a sign of commitment
and intellectual integrity on Howe’s part, he was obviously pleased when, at the colloquium where the present argument
was first delivered, I stated the case for the possible empirical truth (in ways beyond the scope of the present short note)
of some of the most cherished Afrocentrist theses. It is not in the Black ghetto or in its academic counterparts (such as
the Journal ofAfrican Civilizations and Karnak Publishers, both bastions of Afrocentrism), but in the open, transparent, universally accessible environment of academia itself,
that Afrocentrism has to be forced into open debate, and will thus be cleansed from poor methodology, restrictive selection
of data, entrenched refusal to take cognisance of existing detached scientific inquiry, and above all, racism. Beyond the unmistakable defects of current Afrocentrism,
glows the promise of a bright future, where thanks to Afrocentrism’s inspiring reversal of accepted hegemonic paradigms,
we may hope to come much closer to the empirical, demonstrable truth concerning such contributions to mankind’s world-wide
culture as have emerged, over the millennia, from the African continent. [1] Howe, Stephen, 1999, Afrocentrism: Mythical pasts and imagined homes, London/New York: Verso, first published 1998. [2] Lefkowitz, M.R., 1996, Not out of Africa: How Afrocentrism became an excuse to teach myth as history, New York: Basic Books. [3] van Binsbergen,
W.M.J., 1997, ed., Black Athena:
Ten Years After, special issue, Talanta: Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society, vols 28-29, 1996-97, now being reprintedin expanded form as
Black Athena Alive, Hamburg/Muenster: LIT Verlag, 2001; also cf. W.M.J. van Binsbergen, 2000, ‘Dans le troisième
millénaire avec Black Athena?’, in: Fauvelle-Aymar, F.-X., Chrétien, J.-P.,& Perrot, C.-H., 2000, eds., Afrocentrismes: L’histoire des Africains entre Égypte et Amérique, Paris: Karthala, pp. 127-150;
van Binsbergen, W.M.J., forthcoming, Global
Bee Flight: Sub-Saharan Africa, Ancient Egypt, and the World — Beyond the Black Athena thesis. [4] Bernal, M., 1987, Black Athena: The Afroasiatic roots of classical civilization, I, The fabrication
of ancient Greece 1787-1987, Londen: Free Association Books/New Brunswick: Rutgers University
Press;Bernal, M., 1991, Black
Athena: The Afro-Asiatic roots of classical civilization, II, The archaeological and documentary evidence, Londen: Free Association Books/New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press; cf. his contributions to Black Athena Ten Years After, o.c. [5] van Binsbergen, Global Bee Flight, o.c. [6] Shinnie, P. L.,
1971. ‘The legacy to Africa’, in: Harris, J.R., ed., The legacy of Egypt, 2d ed., Oxford: Clarendon Press,
pp. 434-55, espec. pp. 447f. [7] Shreeve, J., 1996,
The Neandertal enigma? Solving
the mystery of modern human origins,
New York: Morrow/ Viking, pp. 216f, 257f;
Deacon, H. J., 1992, ‘Southern Africa and Modern Human Origins’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, B 337 (1992): 177-183; Deacon, H. & J. Deacon, 1999, Human
beginnings in South Africa, Uncovering the Secrets of the Stone Age, Altamira Press:
Walnut Creek CA; Anati, E., 1999, La religion
des origines, Paris: Bayard; French translation
of La religione delle origini, n.p.: Edizione delle origini, 1995, pp. 88f; Anati, E., 1986,
‘The Rock Art ofTanzania and the East
African Sequence’, BCSP
[ Bolletino des Centro Camuno di Studi Preistorici ] , 23: 15-68, fig. 5-51; Wendt, W.E.,
1976, ‘ ‘’Art mobilier’’ from Apollo 11 Cave, South West Africa: Africa’s oldest dated
works of art’, South African Archaeological
Bulletin, 31: 5-11. In recent months,
I have explored the Afrocentric implications of these finds as part of a book manuscript entitled Cupmarks, stellar maps, and mankala board-games: An archaeological and Africanist excusrsin
into Palaeolithic world-views. page last modified: 04-04-01 10:57:40
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